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eBay See my other articles. DANGER: Dear customers, you will receive exactly the same item you see in the pictures, not similar or different. Please read the description carefully and check the photos. Combine delivery items. Severus Alexander Skip to navigationJump to search Bust of Severus Alexander in Louvre Severus Alexander (* 1. October 208 in Arca Caesarea, Arqa in present-day Lebanon; † in March 235 near Mogontiacum) was from 13. March 222 until his death Roman Emperor. Its original name was Bassianus Alexianus. From June 221 he called himself Marcus Aurelius Alexander, As emperor he bore the name Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander. The especially in late antique History of Augusta common name form Alexander Severus is not authentic, but is also used by some modern authors. In June 221, Alexander, not yet thirteen years old, was assassinated by his only four-year-old cousin, Emperor Elagabal, for the Caesar and thus appointed as successor. The following year, after Elagabalus’s murder, he was able to assume power without any problems. Throughout his life he was under the dominating influence of his mother Julia Mamaea. She was the actual ruler and also arranged his marriage. However, since they did not register with the capital’s Praetorians nor in the army, their exercise of power was always precarious. After a loss-making Persian War With the outcome undecided, the emperor had to rush to the Rhine to ward off a Germanic invasion. There, his unpopularity in the army became his downfall. He and his mother fell victim to a soldiers’ mutiny. With Alexander’s death, the dynasty of the Severe. The era of Soldier Emperor and with it the “Reich crisis of the 3rd Century“, a crisis-like aggravation of the structural problems left behind by the Severans. Origin, childhood and rise to power Alexander was from both his mother’s and father’s side Syrian Origin. His father, the Procurator Gessius Marcianus, was a Knight from Arca Caesarea, where Alexander died on 1. October 208 was born. His mother Julia Mamaea belonged to the Senatorial status and was therefore of more noble descent than his father. She was a daughter of Julia Maesa, the sister of the Empress Julia Domna, and was, before marrying Gessius Marcianus, first married to a Consular been married. Her family came from the Syrian city of Emesa (now Homs) and was highly respected there. Julia Domna, Alexander’s great-aunt, was the emperor’s wife Septimius Severus (193–211), who founded the Severan dynasty. Alexander was therefore not related to the founder of the dynasty, but was only a grandson of his sister-in-law. Nevertheless, he is counted among the Severans. Alexander’s great-grandfather Julius Bassianus, the father of Julia Domna and Julia Maesa, held the office of high priest of the sun god in Emesa Elagabal which was hereditary in the family. Alexander received his original name Bassianus from this great-grandfather. As a child he was introduced to the cult of Elagabal and entrusted with a priestly function. On 8 April 217 became emperor Caracalla, the son and successor of Septimius Severus, in Mesopotamia murdered on a military campaign. After initial hesitation, the army raised the Praetorian Prefects Macrinus, who had organized the assassination of Caracalla, became the new emperor. This meant a change of dynasty; Macrinus immediately designated his underage son as his future successor. This removed the Syrian clan to which Alexander belonged from the levers of power. Julia Domna took her own life. Since the male descendants of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna had now died out, Alexander’s grandmother Maesa wanted to ensure that her own descendants became emperor. Her fourteen-year-old grandson Elagabal, Alexander’s cousin, was chosen for this. He was the son of Julia Soaemias, the older sister of Julia Mamaea. Julius Bassian Julius Avitus Alexian Julie Maesa Julie Domna Septimius Severus 193–211 Julie Soaemias Julie Mamaea Geta 211 Caracalla 211–217 Elagabal 218–222 Severus Alexander 222–235 The new emperor Macrinus could only be deposed by a military uprising in favor of Elagabalus. In order to make Elagabal popular with the soldiers, his supporters claimed that he was an illegitimate son of Caracalla, who was very popular in the army. This approach proved successful. At 16. On May 218, Elagabal was captured by a group stationed near Emesa. legion was proclaimed emperor, and in June his forces defeated Macrinus’ troops in Syria. This decided the civil war. Now Maesa was able to travel to Rome with her two daughters Soaemias and Mamaea and her grandchildren Elagabal and Alexander to take over power there and lead the government for the young Elagabal. Alexander was raised by his mother and grandmother; his father seems to have died early. But the young emperor Elagabal soon proved to be headstrong and resistant to advice and became universally hated. This resulted in a crisis that was very dangerous for the continued existence of the dynasty and which came to a head in 220/221. Therefore, Maesa and Mamaea began to groom Alexander as Elagabalus’ successor. The new hopeful had long been presented as an illegitimate son of Caracalla, like Elagabal. The aim was to win the sympathy of the soldiers, who continued to hold Caracalla in high esteem. In June 221, Alexander, not yet thirteen years old, was declared of age and received the title of Caesar. Elagabal had to adopt him and thus make him his successor. In 222 the two together held the consulate. The adoption involved a name change. In order to legitimize his rule, the dynasty founder Septimius Severus had declared himself the adopted son of the popular emperor who had died in 180 Marcus Aurelius issued. In doing so, he had joined the tradition of Adoptive Emperor whose era was considered the golden age of Roman history. Caracalla and Elagabal maintained this fictitious connection with the adoptive emperors of the 2nd century. Century. They used their official imperial names to indicate that they were members of the gens Aurelia, the clan of Marcus Aurelius. With his adoption by Elagabal, Alexander also placed himself within this traditional context. He took the new name Marcus Aurelius Alexander with which he asserted his alleged affiliation with the gens Aurelia expressed. The change from Alexianus to Alexander is connected with the widespread veneration Alexander the Great which was mainly practiced by Caracalla. Emperor Elagabal recognized the danger posed by his cousin Alexander and repeatedly tried to kill him. He tried in vain to deprive him of his title of Caesar. Thus, a struggle for survival developed between the two rivals and their mothers, in which Maesa was on Mamaea’s side. The key role was played by the soldiers stationed in Rome, especially the Praetorians, the capital’s guard corps, for whose favor both mothers strove. Mamaea was more successful, but the two Praetorian Prefects remained loyal to Elagabal until the end. Mutinous soldiers, controlled by Mamaea, murdered Elagabal on March 11, 222. The thirteen-year-old Alexander assumed the imperial title without any problems. On 13 March he was proclaimed emperor by the army, the following day the Senate awarded him the title Augustus. From then on, he no longer considered his adoption by Elagabalus as the basis for his membership in the imperial family of the Aurelians, but rather his fictitious descent from Caracalla. Inscriptions described him as the son of the “divine Antoninus” (Caracalla). He also took the name Severus, reminiscent of Septimius Severus, and called himself Marcus Aurelius Severus Alexander. The name form commonly used in older research literature Alexander Severus is not authentic. Reign The mother’s crucial role Denarius the Julia Mamaea In contrast to Elagabal, Severus Alexander proved to be controllable. At first, Maesa and Mamaea led the government together. They appointed an advisory board of sixteen respected senators to whom they gave considerable influence. Maesa, who was already elderly, died around 224. From then on, Mamaea was effectively sole ruler until the end of Alexander’s reign. Inscriptions and coins document their extraordinary role. From 222 she bore the title Augusta. Other titles were “Mother of the Senate” and “Mother of the Fatherland”; overzealous admirers in Hispania They even called her “Mother of the whole human race” on an honorary inscription. She had the young emperor carefully educated, but did not give him any decision-making power. A good relationship with the Senate was important to her. She demonstratively cultivated traditional Roman virtues and values. Elagabalus’s idiosyncratic measures, which had caused offence among the conservative leadership, were reversed. The new, Senate-friendly course represented a departure from the policies of the former Severans, whose relationship with the Senate had been strained. The fact that Mamaea’s willingness to cooperate was well received in the Senate is shown by a Johannes Zonaras surviving fragment from the Senator’s historical work Cassius Dio. It says that Mamaea provided her son with wise advisors and selected the best advisers from among the senators. Dio himself was one of these men. Domestic policy Mutinies and uprisings The main weakness of the government of the emperor, who was led by his mother, was the lack of his own power base. Mamaea and Alexander were dependent on the goodwill of the Praetorians. The extent of the decline in authority resulting from this weakness became dramatically apparent as early as 223 in the Praetorian Crisis. In 222 Mamaea had given the prominent lawyer Ulpian was entrusted with the supreme command of the Praetorians, but he failed to discipline the troops. For a minor reason, three days of street fighting broke out between the Praetorians and the city’s population, leading to chaotic conditions in the city. Only when the harassed Praetorians set fire to houses and threatened a general conflagration did their opponents give in. Ulpian was able to avoid a power struggle with his subordinates, the Praetorian Prefects Julius Flavian and Geminius Chrestus, won; the two prefects were executed. But when the Praetorians mutinied the following year, Ulpian had to flee to the imperial palace. There, Mamaea could not protect him; in her and Alexander’s presence, he was murdered by the Praetorians. The main person responsible for the murder, Epagathus, could not be punished in Rome because of the danger of new unrest. He had to be appointed as Governor of Egypt be removed from the capital. From Egypt he was taken to Crete, where he was executed. Numerous unrests and uprisings broke out in the empire, which were put down. legislation The main source for Alexander’s legislative activity is the Codex Justinianus, a collection of laws from the 6th century. Century. It contains 427 regulations (constitutions), which according to current research can be attributed to Alexander. Strong legislative activity was particularly evident at the beginning of the reign, in the years 223 and 224. In presenting his legislative goals, Alexander emphasized on the one hand moral principles and the need for particular severity in cases of violations that endangered the social order, but on the other hand also the ruler’s leniency (clementine), an important ruler virtue according to ancient tradition. In doing so, he demonstrated his distancing himself from the government practices of his predecessors. One area of particular interest to him was the regulation of appeal, the appeal to the emperor after a legal procedure. He wanted to prevent lower authorities from intimidating people from appealing to the emperor. In doing so, he attempted to improve his control over the judicial system. He also presented himself as a conscientious administrator of the state finances and asserted his desire to reduce the tax burden, which he partially put into practice. Religious policy The government of Alexander and his mother was tolerant towards the Christians, who had not been persecuted under Elagabalus. Mamaea stood with the prominent church writer Origen in contact, But the claims of late antique Christian sources that some of the emperor’s entourage or even his mother herself practiced the Christian faith are not credible. Apparently, Mamaea and Alexander – following a trend of their time – tended to Syncretism, to the mixing of influences from different religions. The claim, which only appeared in late antiquity, that Alexander had worshipped Christ in a private place of worship alongside the deified emperors and other exemplary personalities, Abraham and Orpheus revered, is viewed very skeptically by researchers. Construction activity Aqua Alexandrina In the History of Augusta Alexander’s extensive building activities are reported. According to them, he has both built new buildings and renovated old ones. The details are only partially verifiable; some of them – for example, in the alleged project of Basilica of Alexandria – these are probably fabricated claims by an unreliable historian. Alexander’s expansion of the Nerotherms, the thermae Alexandrinae. Also a aqueduct, which he had built, the aqua alexandrina, was named after him; a coin from 226 confirms its construction. In the 17th The aqueduct was first identified in the 18th century. The course of the aqueduct outside the city is only partially known; how it ran within the ancient city area is unknown. The buildings that were renovated or whose restoration was at least planned include a theatre – apparently the Marcellus Theatre -, the Circus Maximus, the Colosseum and a stadium – probably the Stadium of Domitian – have heard. He also allegedly had numerous baths built in Rome. He should also Trajan repaired existing bridges and built new ones; since such a renovation is attested in one case by an inscription, the report is considered credible. Before Denarius the Orbiana Mamaea was looking for Alexander Patrician Orbiana as a wife. Orbiana came from a noble senatorial but politically insignificant family. The marriage, which took place in 225, remained childless and did not last long, as a power struggle arose between the emperor’s mother and father-in-law. Orbiana’s father Seius Sallustius tried unsuccessfully to incite the Praetorians against Mamaea. Mamaea prevailed and forced her son’s divorce in 227. Seius Sallustius was executed and Orbiana was exiled to Africa. This time the Praetorians proved to be loyal, but after this experience Mamaea did not dare to remarry her son. The lack of a descendant and a succession plan exacerbated the precarious situation. The historian Herodian claimed that Alexander was actually on the side of his wife and father-in-law, but did not dare to contradict his mother. However, Herodian can hardly be credited with such background knowledge; he is probably repeating rumors that were circulating at the time among Mamaea’s opponents, of which he himself is one. In the History of Augusta, one late antique Source, is based on the Athenian historian Dexippus reported that Alexander had invited his father-in-law to Caesar appointed. The father-in-law is called Macrinus or Macrianus here. In older research literature, this alleged Caesar either identified with Seius Sallustius or with the father of a hypothetical former wife of Alexander. According to current research, however, it can be assumed that Orbiana was Alexander’s only wife and that Seius Sallustius did not Caesar was raised. Sallustius may be identical with Quintus Sallustius Macrinianus, who served under Septimius Severus as governor of the provinces Mauretania Caesariensis and Mauritania Tingitana served. This could affect the History of Augusta explain the name given. Foreign policy and wars Foreign policy conflicts that required military action were risky for Alexander because of his narrow power base and lack of military competence. Both the emperor’s absence from the capital and the commissioning of a commander to conduct a military campaign represented an existential threat, since each such situation could provide an incentive for rebellion. This instability of rule became apparent in the last years of Alexander’s reign, when two major military conflicts occurred: the Persian War and the Germanic War. Both required the presence of the emperor. The Persian challenge In the East, Ardashir I., originally a Persian vassal of Parthian Empire, in the twenties of the third century, the power of the Parthian royal family of Arsacids broken and the Persian Sassanid Empire founded. In Armenia However, the Persians encountered stubborn resistance because the Arsacids had strong support there. With the Sasanian expansion, a military confrontation between the Roman and the New Persian Empire began to emerge. In 230 or 231, a Persian army invaded the Roman province Mesopotamia and laid siege to Nisibis. The Romans also feared a threat to Syria and Cappadocia. On the Roman side, the danger was taken very seriously; the Sasanian dynasty was suspected of having the intention of rebuilding the ancient Persian Achaemenid Empire, which included all later Roman territories Western Asia had heard. In fact, Ardashir seems to have continued the tradition of ancient Persian power, even though his knowledge of history was probably modest. However, there is no solid evidence that he actually made a claim on all former Achaemenid territories. Most researchers today assume that the Romans were only to be expelled from northern Mesopotamia, which they occupied under Septimius Severus. Alexander tried to negotiate. According to Herodian’s account, he sent a letter to Ardashir through an embassy in which he recalled past Roman victories over the Parthians and called on the Sasanians to respect the existing border. However, his efforts to resolve the conflict peacefully were unsuccessful. Ardashir was not impressed, but continued his expansion course undeterred. Therefore, in the spring of 231, the emperor had to leave Rome with Mamaea to personally lead the counteroffensive. For this purpose, strong troops were moved from the western borders to the east. Apparently, a deterrent attack on the restless Germanic tribes on the Rhine was ordered beforehand, because according to an inscription, the Legio I Minervia Pia Fidelis Severiana Alexandriana under her Legate Titius Rufinus won a victory on the right bank of the Rhine in 231 and erected an altar on the battlefield for Jupiter. However, it soon became apparent that the success was not lasting. However, the troops stationed on the eastern border, who had killed their commander Flavius Heracleo in a mutiny, could not be relied upon. Their discipline and morale were obviously poor. Alexander spent the winter of 231/232 in Antioch, where he prepared the campaign. Once again he sent an embassy to Ardashir with a peace proposal. The Sasanian responded with a counter-embassy, which is said to have consisted of four hundred armed Persian horsemen. Herodian claims that the Persian ambassadors demanded the surrender of Syria and Asia Minor required. Although it is unlikely that Herodian accurately reproduces the statements of the ambassadors, it can be assumed that his account has a historical core. This probably consists in the fact that Ardashir made demands which he knew were unacceptable and provocative for the Roman side. Alexander had the ambassadors arrested, which was a serious violation of diplomatic rules. The campaign against the Persians In the spring of 232 the Roman offensive began. The Roman army advanced in three separate marching columns. The attack was aimed at the centre of the Persian Empire, the twin cities Seleucia-Ctesiphon. The northern part of the army advanced through Armenia. Arsacid forces continued to assert themselves there. Whether the Armenians supported the Romans or merely tolerated the Roman advance is controversial among researchers. The emperor marched with the center of the Roman army across Palmyra towards the city then controlled by enemies of the Sasanians Hatra. The southern division moved towards the Euphrates along forward. The course of the fighting is unclear. Apparently, the Roman high command was overwhelmed by the task of implementing the demanding strategy with separate army units marching according to plan. The southern of the three Roman army groups was confronted by the Persian king and largely wiped out. However, the Persians are said to have been considerably weakened. The other two Roman army groups then began to retreat. The Romans suffered heavy losses, as many starving and exhausted soldiers died en route. The northern army group in particular suffered numerous deaths on its retreat through the Armenian highlands. As a result, both sides initially lost the ability to continue to act offensively. The Roman soldiers blamed the emperor for the disappointing outcome of the campaign. Only with a generous gift of money could he calm her anger. Although the Romans were far from achieving their war goal of taking the enemy capital, and despite their heavy losses, the result could be considered a partial Roman success, because the opposing side had temporarily lost its offensive power and the Romans did not have to accept any territorial losses. No peace was concluded and further fighting was halted due to exhaustion on both sides. Mamaea and Alexander spent the winter of 232/233 in Antioch, then, according to the History of Augusta back to Rome. Alexander celebrated there on 25. September 233, the outcome of the campaign allegedly with a triumph, whose historicity is controversial in research. Germanic campaign and fall Because the Persian War had left the Rhine and Danube borders exposed, the Germanic tribes were able to undertake major raids and destroy several fortifications in 233/234. When this became known in Alexander’s army after the costly campaign against Ardashir, Herodian says that the discontent of the soldiers from the north, who had been transferred to the east for the Persian War and who now learned that their unprotected relatives were exposed to attacks by the Germanic tribes, increased. Their anger was directed against the emperor. The soldiers were rooted in their usual places of deployment, they hated deployments in distant regions, and Alexander, who came from the East, was suspected of giving priority to the protection of his home region. The Germanic attackers may have been the tribal association of the Alemanni, a new enemy of the Romans. The situation was so threatening that Mamaea and Alexander had to go to the northern front because they apparently could not entrust the supreme command to anyone else. They moved to the Rhine no later than in the second half of 234 or the beginning of 235. Herodian’s report even suggests that they came from the east and went directly to the Rhine (which would rule out a triumphal procession in Rome). The Roman headquarters was in Mogontiacum, today’s Mainz. The rule of the now twenty-six-year-old emperor, who continued to be under the overwhelming influence of his mother, was particularly at risk under these circumstances, as he was not respected by the soldiers and Mamaea, as a woman, had no authority at the front. Given the weakness of the commander-in-chief, the temptation to stage a coup was great for a commander who was popular with the troops, especially since there was no heir to the throne. In the east, the rise of an anti-emperor had apparently already begun. Taurinus but this had no consequences, as the usurper in the Euphrates drowned. Another danger was that Caracalla had spoiled the military financially. The additional costs incurred by such generosity placed a heavy burden on the state budget. Mamaea saved consistently and was therefore hated as being stingy. Restraint in the usual special allowances (Donations) to the soldiers was bound to lead to an explosive situation among the troops. The lack of quick combat successes and the emperor’s unsoldierly attitude contributed to the bad mood. The combination of all these factors led to disaster. Given the precarious conditions, Mamaea and Alexander shied away from the risk of fighting. As in the Persian War, they sought a negotiated solution. They considered payments with which they wanted to buy peace and perhaps also gain the support of Germanic associations in securing the border. This approach caused additional bitterness among the soldiers, who were hoping for victory and booty and interpreted the willingness to negotiate as a sign of weakness. They resented the emperor for wanting to show financial generosity not to them but to the enemy. In addition, when there was a change of government, the soldiers could count on the usual generous donations from the new ruler. Therefore, part of the army mutinied – mainly recruits from Pannonia – and raised the knightly officer responsible for recruit training Maximinus Thrax to the emperor. Maximinus promised a doubling of the salary, a generous special allowance and amnesty for all Disciplinary sanctions. Alexander failed to motivate loyal units to resist. Nobody wanted to fight for him and his mother, his soldiers defected to the enemy. On the orders of Maximinus, Mamaea and Alexander were murdered in their tent in the camp near Mogontiacum in March 235. The place of death vicus Britanniae is considered by some researchers to be Mainz-Bretzenheim identified, but this localization is very controversial. The new emperor had some of Alexander’s friends and favorites killed, but Herodian’s claim that he killed them all is certainly exaggerated. With Alexander’s death, the Severan dynasty ended. His successor Maximinus opened the era of Soldier Emperor. iconography Gold-Multiple of Severus Alexander Some of Alexander’s coins show him as a beardless boy or with a beard, later with a moustache and sideburns. Even on the coin portraits from his adulthood he makes a relatively young impression. Usually he wears a laurel wreath on the coins, rarely a halo. The round sculptures can be identified based on the coin images; in some cases it is unclear whether they actually depict Alexander. reception Antiquity and the Middle Ages It is unclear whether Maximinus had any influence over Alexander and Mamaea after their death. damnatio memoriae imposed. There is no record of a formal Senate resolution erasing the memory of the murdered emperor. Although some portraits of Alexander and his mother were mutilated and their names were erased from some inscriptions, these may not have been government-imposed measures but rather spontaneous actions. Maximinus did not rule long; he was murdered by mutinous soldiers in 238. This marked a turning point, as his senatorial opponents now prevailed. Maximinus fell into damnatio memoriae. In the course of this development, Alexander became divus (“Divine”). As part of the Imperial cult From then on he was worshipped as a deity. The main sources are the historical works of the contemporaries Herodian and Cassius Dio as well as the biography of Alexander in the more than a century after the events History of Augusta. Cassius Dio was under Alexander consul. He represents the senatorial circles, for whom Mamaea and Alexander’s record was positive, and portrays the emperor in a benevolent light. His account ends before the beginning of the Germanic campaign. Herodian also shows sympathy for the last Severan. He describes him as gentle, good-natured, just and free of cruelty, but also disapprovingly emphasizes his dependence on his mother, whom he blames for the emperor’s failure, and his lack of soldierly virtues. Herodian describes Alexander’s despondency in the last days of his life in a drastic way; he gives the impression that the emperor was completely overwhelmed in a dangerous situation. Herodian’s credibility is compromised by his tendency toward dramatic effects and moralizing. The positive assessment of contemporary historians is reinforced in the Alexander biography of late antiquity History of Augusta to a glorification with distinctly legendary features. Here Alexander embodies the ruler ideal of the unknown author; his biography is the longest of all imperial biographies of the History of Augusta. The death of the last Severan appears as a turning point in Roman history, marking the transition to a period of instability and decline. The value of this source is underestimated by researchers. Their statements about Alexander’s alleged reforms are now considered to be fabricated. Also Aurelius Victor and Eutropius, two other late antique authors writing in Latin, portray Alexander as a capable emperor and victor over the Persians. Aurelius Victor also notes that after Alexander’s death the empire began to decline. These historians drew their information from the now lost Enmann’s Imperial History, which apparently already conveyed such an image. The overall favorable character picture of Alexander that the narrative sources paint contrasts sharply with their condemnatory judgments about his predecessor and his successor. The last Severan appears as a mild, virtuous, just and popular ruler. In the 4th Century, the pagan Emperor Julian in his satire Caesare’s Alexander as a fool and a miserable figure, based on Herodian’s information. In the satire, Alexander is mocked because, even as an adult, he did not stand up to his mother but left her control over the finances. Severus Alexander as “Alexander Roman Emperor” in Hartmann Schedel’s World Chronicle from 1493 In late antique Christian authors and in the Byzantine historiography Mamaea’s alleged piety received special attention. Some authors made her a Christian. A relatively detailed description of Alexander’s reign appeared in the 12th century. century Johannes Zonaras. Early Modern Opera In the 18th In the 18th century, the power struggle between Mamaea and Orbiana was repeatedly set to music as an opera. The libretto was widely distributed Alessandro Severo from Apostle Zeno, whose first musical setting was Antonio Lotti was premiered in 1716. The libretto by Giovanni Battista Pergolesi’s first opera La Salustia is a revision of Zeno’s text. The premiere took place in Venice in 1732. Here the Empress Salustia is the heroically loving heroine, Alessandro the weak husband who submits to his domineering mother Giulia. Research In the 18th In the 19th century, the History of Augusta traditional image of a wise, virtuous, humane and popular ruler, which Edward Gibbon took over. Still Jacob Burckhardt was strongly influenced by this; he wrote in 1853 that Alexander was “a true Saint Louis of antiquity” who “out of pure moral will” resisted the “infinite temptations to despotism” and “steered into the path of justice and clemency”. This “human being, incomprehensible in relation to his entire environment,” could not gain respect “in a century that only knew fear,” but was inevitably doomed to failure. Since the 19th In the 18th century, however, an unfavourable assessment has prevailed, emphasizing Alexander’s fatal lack of independence and determination. A devastating verdict was passed Alfred von Domaszewski (1909). He called Alexander the “most miserable of all Caesars.” During his reign, “even the last semblance of order in the empire” had dissolved; the consequence of misguided policies had been a “complete collapse of the entire administrative order.” Ernst Kornemann (1939) believed that the “weak, never matured into a man” Alexander had been wrongly made into a “luminous figure with a strange halo” by a corrupt tradition. This image has been proven to be unhistorical by critical research. Wilhelm Ensslin (1939) stated that the young emperor had not been able to fulfil his task because, despite his name, he was neither a (Septimius) Severus nor an Alexander (the Great). Alfred Heuss (1960) characterized Alexander as an “insignificant, but at least harmless young man” who “did not become a man.” For Hermann Bengtson (1973) Alexander was “a weak, mediocre ruler who achieved nothing remarkable in either the political or military field”; his government was “characteristic of the female regime”. Also Karl Christ (1988) points out that Alexander “basically never achieved complete independence”. He lacked toughness and assertiveness and was only able to “maneuver from one crisis to the next.” Bruno Bleckmann (2002), who describes Alexander as a “mama’s boy”, believes that Mamaea’s rise to power cannot be explained by oriental female rule, but simply by the fact that “the emperor was still half a child”. Although Alexander may have made his own decisions in the last years of his reign, his refusal to give the soldiers the expected financial gifts was an expression of an unrealistic attitude and, given the circumstances of the time, a fatal mistake.

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