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eBay Item: i56358 Authentic Ancient Coin of: Lucius Verus – Roman Emperor: 161-169 A.D. Bronze 22mm (10.47 grams) of Antioch in Seleukis and Pieria Reference: cf. Sear GIC 1871 AVT. K.Λ. AYPHΛ. OYHPOC CЄ., Laureate head right. Large SC, letter below; all within laurel-wreath. You are bidding on the exact item pictured, provided with a Certificate of Authenticity and Lifetime Guarantee of Authenticity. Lucius Aurelius Verus (15 December 130 – 169), born as Lucius Ceionius Commodus, known simply as Lucius Verus, was Roman co-emperor with Marcus Aurelius (161–180), from 161 until his death. //

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 Early life and career

Verus was the son of Avidia Plautia and

Lucius Aelius Caesar

, the adopted son, and intended successor, of Emperor

Hadrian
 

(117–138).

When Aelius Caesar died in 138, Hadrian chose

Antoninus Pius

(138–161) as his successor, on the condition that Antoninus

adopt

both Verus (then seven years old) and

Marcus Aurelius

, Hadrian’s nephew. As an imperial prince, Verus received 

careful education from the most famous grammaticus

Marcus Cornelius Fronto

. Verus is reported to have been an excellent 

student, fond of writing poetry and delivering speeches.

Verus had two sisters. One sister Ceionia Fabia was engaged to Marcus 

Aurelius in 136. However Marcus Aurelius in 138, broke off the engagement to 

Fabia. Aurelius was adopted by emperor

Antoninus Pius

’ and was engaged to Antoninus’ daughter

Faustina the Younger

whom he later married. Lucius had another sister 

Ceionia Plautia, but little is known about the sisters.

Verus’ political career started as

quaestor
in 

153 and then as consul

in 154. In 161, he was once again consul, with Marcus Aurelius as 

senior partner.

 Emperor

 Accession 

of Lucius and Marcus, 161

Antoninus died on 7 March 161, and was succeeded by Marcus Aurelius. Although 

Marcus had no personal affection for Hadrian (significantly, he does not thank 

him in the first book of his Meditations), he presumably believed it his 

duty to enact the man’s succession plans. 

Thus, although the senate planned to confirm Marcus alone, he refused to take 

office unless Lucius received equal powers. 

The senate accepted, granting Lucius the imperium, the tribunician power, 

and the name Augustus. 

Marcus became, in official titulature, Imperator Caesar Marcus Aurelius 

Antoninus Augustus; Lucius, forgoing his name Commodus and taking Marcus’ family 

name, Verus, became Imperator Caesar Lucius Aurelius Verus Augustus. It was the first time that Rome was ruled by two emperors.

In spite of their nominal equality, Marcus held more

auctoritas
, 

or “authority”, than Verus. He had been consul once more than Lucius, he had 

shared in Pius’ administration, and he alone was Pontifex Maximus. It 

would have been clear to the public which emperor was the more senior. 

As the biographer wrote, “Verus obeyed Marcus…as a lieutenant obeys a 

proconsul or a governor obeys the emperor.”

Immediately after their senate confirmation, the emperors proceeded to the

Castra Praetoria

, the camp of the

praetorian guard

. Lucius addressed the assembled troops, which then 

acclaimed the pair as imperatores. Then, like every new emperor since 

Claudius, Lucius promised the troops a special donative. 

This donative, however, was twice the size of those past: 20,000

sesterces
 

(5,000 denarii
) 

per capita, more to officers. In return for this bounty, equivalent to several 

years’ pay, the troops swore an oath to protect the emperors. 

The ceremony was perhaps not entirely necessary, given that Marcus’ accession 

had been peaceful and unopposed, but it was good insurance against later 

military troubles.

Pius’ funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, “elaborate”. 

If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been 

incinerated on a pyre at the

Campus Martius

, while his spirit would rise to the gods’ home in the 

heavens. Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification. In contrast 

to their behavior during Pius’ campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not 

oppose the emperors’ wishes. A

flamen
, or 

cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Pius, now

Divus Antoninus. Pius’ remains were laid to rest in the Hadrian’s mausoleum, 

beside the remains of Marcus’ children and of Hadrian himself. 

The temple he had dedicated to his wife, Diva Faustina, became the

Temple of Antoninus and Faustina

. It survives as the church of San Lorenzo 

in Miranda.

 Early rule, 161–62

Soon after the emperors’ accession, Marcus’ eleven-year-old daughter, Annia 

Lucilla, was betrothed to Lucius (in spite of the fact that he was, formally, 

her uncle). 

At the ceremonies commemorating the event, new provisions were made for the 

support of poor children, along the lines of earlier imperial foundations. 

Marcus and Lucius proved popular with the people of Rome, who strongly approved 

of their civiliter (“lacking pomp”) behavior. The emperors permitted free 

speech, evinced by the fact that the comedy writer Marullus was able to 

criticize them without suffering retribution. At any other time, under any other 

emperor, he would have been executed. But it was a peaceful time, a forgiving 

time. And thus, as the biographer wrote, “No one missed the lenient ways of 

Pius.”

Fronto returned to his Roman townhouse at dawn on 28 March, having left his 

home in Cirta
as 

soon as news of his pupils’ accession reached him. He sent a note to the 

imperial freedman Charilas, asking if he could call on the emperors. Fronto 

would later explain that he had not dared to write the emperors directly. 

The tutor was immensely proud of his students. Reflecting on the speech he had 

written on taking his consulship in 143, when he had praised the young Marcus, 

Fronto was ebullient: “There was then an outstanding natural ability in you; 

there is now perfected excellence. There was then a crop of growing corn; there 

is now a ripe, gathered harvest. What I was hoping for then, I have now. The 

hope has become a reality.” 

Fronto called on Marcus alone; neither thought to invite Lucius.

Lucius was less esteemed by his tutor than his brother, as his interests were 

on a lower level. Lucius asked Fronto to adjudicate in a dispute he and his 

friend Calpurnius were having on the relative merits of two actors. 

Marcus told Fronto of his reading—Coelius 

and a little Cicero—and his family. His daughters were in Rome, with their 

great-great-aunt Matilda; Marcus thought the evening air of the country was too 

cold for them. 

The emperors’ early reign proceeded smoothly. Marcus was able to give himself 

wholly to philosophy and the pursuit of popular affection. 

Some minor troubles cropped up in the spring; there would be more later. In the 

spring of 162, the Tiber

flooded over its banks, destroying much of Rome. It drowned many 

animals, leaving the city in famine. Marcus and Lucius gave the crisis their 

personal attention. In other times of famine, the emperors are said to have provided 

for the Italian communities out of the Roman granaries.

 War with 

Parthia, 161–66

For details, see:

Roman–Parthian War of 161–66

. See also:

Roman–Persian Wars

 Origins to Lucius’ dispatch, 161–62

On his deathbed, Pius spoke of nothing but the state and the foreign kings 

who had wronged him. 

One of those kings,

Vologases IV of Parthia

, made his move in late summer or early autumn 161. 

Vologases entered the

Kingdom of Armenia

(then a Roman client state), expelled its king and 

installed his own—Pacorus, an

Arsacid

like himself. 

At the time of the invasion, the governor of Syria was L. Attidius Cornelianus. 

Attidius had been retained as governor even though his term ended in 161, 

presumably to avoid giving the Parthians the chance to wrong-foot his 

replacement. The governor of Cappadocia, the front-line in all Armenian 

conflicts, was Marcus Sedatius Severianus, a Gaul with much experience in 

military matters. But living in the east had a deleterious effect on his 

character.

The confidence man

Alexander of Abonutichus

, a prophet who carried a snake named

Glycon
around 

with him, had enraptured Severianus, as he had many others. 

Father-in-law to the respected senator P. Mummius Sisenna Rutilianus, 

then-proconsul of Asia, Abonutichus was friends with many members of the east 

Roman elite. 

Alexander convinced Severianus that he could defeat the Parthians easily, and 

win glory for himself. 

Severianus led a legion (perhaps the

IX Hispana

) 

into Armenia, but was trapped by the great Parthian general Chosrhoes at Elegia, 

a town just beyond the Cappadocian frontiers, high up past the headwaters of the 

Euphrates. Severianus made some attempt to fight Chosrhoes, but soon realized 

the futility of his campaign, and committed suicide. His legion was massacred. 

The campaign had only lasted three days.

There was threat of war on other frontiers as well—in Britain, and in

Raetia
and

Upper Germany

, where the

Chatti
of the

Taunus
 

mountains had recently crossed over the limes. 

Marcus was unprepared. Pius seems to have given him no military experience; the 

biographer writes that Marcus spent the whole of Pius’ twenty-three-year reign 

at his emperor’s side—and not in the provinces, where most previous emperors had 

spent their early careers. Marcus made the necessary appointments:

Marcus Statius Priscus

, the governor of Britain, was sent to replace 

Severianus as governor of Cappadocia.

Sextus Calpurnius Agricola

would take Priscus’ former office.

More bad news arrived: Attidius Cornelianus’ army had been defeated in battle 

against the Parthians, and retreated in disarray. 

Reinforcements were dispatched for the Parthian frontier. P. Julius Geminius 

Marcianus, an African senator commanding

X 

Gemina
at Vindobona (Vienna), left for Cappadocia with detachments from the 

Danubian legions. 

Three full legions were also sent east:

I Minervia

from Bonn in Upper Germany,

II Adiutrix

from Aquincum, 

and

V Macedonica

from Troesmis. 

The norther frontiers were strategically weakened; frontier governors were told 

to avoid conflict wherever possible. 

Attidius Cornelianus himself was replaced by M. Annius Libo, Marcus’ first 

cousin. He was young—his first consulship was in 161, so he was probably in his 

early thirties—and, 

as a mere patrician, lacked military experience. Marcus had chosen a reliable 

man rather than a talented one.

Marcus took a four-day public holiday at

Alsium
, a 

resort town on the

Etrurian
 

coast. He was too anxious to relax. Writing to Fronto, he declared that he would 

not speak about his holiday. 

Fronto replied ironically: “What? Do I not know that you went to Alsium with the 

intention of devoting yourself to games, joking and complete leisure for four 

whole days?” 

He encouraged Marcus to rest, calling on the example of his predecessors (Pius 

had enjoyed exercise in the

palaestra
, 

fishing, and comedy), 

going so far as to write up a fable about the gods’ division of the day between 

morning and evening—Marcus had apparently been spending most of his evenings on 

judicial matters instead of at leisure. 

Marcus could not take Fronto’s advice. “I have duties hanging over me that can 

hardly be begged off,” he wrote back. 

Marcus put on Fronto’s voice to chastise himself: “‘Much good has my advice done 

you’, you will say!” He had rested, and would rest often, but “—this devotion to 

duty! Who knows better than you how demanding it is!”

Fronto sent Marcus a selection of reading material, including Cicero’s pro 

lege Manilia, in which the orator had argued in favor of

Pompey
taking 

supreme command in the

Mithridatic War

. It was an apt reference (Pompey’s war had taken him to 

Armenia), and may have had some impact on the decision to send Lucius to the 

eastern front. 

“You will find in it many chapters aptly suited to your present counsels, 

concerning the choice of army commanders, the interests of allies, the 

protection of provinces, the discipline of the soldiers, the qualifications 

required for commanders in the field and elsewhere […]” 

To settle his unease over the course of the Parthian war, Fronto wrote Marcus a 

long and considered letter, full of historical references. In modern editions of 

Fronto’s works, it is labeled De bello Parthico (On the Parthian War). 

There had been reverses in Rome’s past, Fronto writes, at

Allia

, at

Caudium

, at

Cannae

, at

Numantia

,

Cirta

, and

Carrhae

; 

under Trajan, Hadrian, and Pius; 

but, in the end, Romans had always prevailed over their enemies: “always and 

everywhere [Mars] has changed our troubles into successes and our terrors into 

triumphs”.

 Lucius’ dispatch and journey east, 162–63?

Over the winter of 161–62, as more bad news arrived—a rebellion was brewing 

in Syria—it was decided that Lucius should direct the Parthian war in person. He 

was stronger and healthier than Marcus, the argument went, more suited to 

military activity. 

Lucius’ biographer suggests ulterior motives: to restrain Lucius’ debaucheries, 

to make him thrifty, to reform his morals by the terror of war, to realize that 

he was an emperor. Whatever the case, the senate gave its assent, and Lucius left. 

Marcus would remain in Rome; the city “demanded the presence of an emperor”.

Furius Victorinus, one of the two praetorian prefects, was sent with Lucius, 

as were a pair of senators, M. Pontius Laelianus Larcius Sabinus and M. Iallius 

Bassus, and part of the praetorian guard. 

Victorinus had previously served as procurator of Galatia, giving him some 

experience with eastern affairs. Moreover, he was far more qualified than his praetorian partner,

Cornelius Repentinus

, who was said to owe his office to the influence of 

Pius’ mistress Galeria Lysistrate. 

Repentius had the rank of a senator, but no real access to senatorial 

circles—his was merely a decorative title. 

Since a prefect had to accompany the guard, Victorinus was the clear choice.

Laelianus had been governor of both Pannonias and governor of Syria in 153; 

he hence had first-hand knowledge of the eastern army and military strategy on 

the frontiers. He was made

comes
Augustorum 

(“companion of the emperors”) for his service. 

Laelianus was, in the words of Fronto, “a serious man and an old-fashioned 

disciplinarian”. 

Bassus had been governor of Lower Moesia, and was also made comes. 

Lucius selected his favorite freedmen, including Geminus, Agaclytus, Coedes, 

Eclectus, 

and Nicomedes, who gave up his duties as praefectus vehiculorum to run 

the commissariat of the expeditionary force. 

The

fleet of Misenum

was charged with transporting the emperor and general 

communications and transport.

Lucius left in the summer of 162 to take a ship from

Brundisium

; Marcus followed him as far as

Capua
. Lucius 

feasted himself in the country houses along his route, and hunted at

Apulia
. He fell 

ill at

Canosa

, probably afflicted with a mild stroke, and took to bed. 

Marcus made prayers to the gods for his safety in front of the senate, and 

hurried south to see him. 

Fronto was upset at the news, but was reassured when Lucius sent him a letter 

describing his treatment and recovery. In his reply, Fronto urged his pupil to 

moderate his desires, and recommended a few days of quiet bedrest. Lucius was 

better after three days’ fasting and a bloodletting. It was probably only a mild 

stroke.

Verus continued eastward via

Corinth
and

Athens
, 

accompanied by musicians and singers as if in a

royal 

progress
. 

At Athens he stayed with Herodes Atticus, and joined the

Eleusinian Mysteries

. 

During sacrifice, a falling star was observed in the sky, shooting west to east. 

He stopped in Ephesus

, where he is attested at the estate of the local aristocrat Vedius 

Antoninus, 

and made an unexpected stopover at

Erythrae
. 

The journey continued by ship through the Aegean and the southern coasts of Asia 

Minor, lingering in the famed pleasure resorts of

Pamphylia
 

and Cilicia
, 

before arriving in

Antioch
. 

It is not known how long Verus’ journey east took; he might not have arrived in 

Antioch until after 162. 

Statius Priscus, meanwhile, must have already arrived in Cappadocia; he would 

earn fame in 163 for successful generalship.

 Luxury, dissolution, and logistics at Antioch, 162?–65

Lucius spent most of the campaign in Antioch, though he wintered at

Laodicea
 

and summered at Daphne

, a resort just outside Antioch. 

He took up a mistress named Panthea, from Smyrna

. 

The biographer calls her a “low-born girl-friend”, 

but she is probably closer to

Lucian
‘s “woman 

of perfect beauty”, more beautiful than any of

Phidias
and

Praxiteles
‘ 

statues. 

Polite, caring, humble, she sang to the lyre perfectly and spoke clear

Ionic 

Greek
, spiced with Attic wit. 

Panthea read Lucian’s first draft, and criticized him for flattery. He had 

compared her to a goddess, which frightened her—she did not want to become the 

next Cassiopeia

. 

She had power, too. She made Lucius shave his beard for her. The Syrians mocked 

him for this, as they did for much else.

Critics declaimed Lucius’ luxurious lifestyle. 

He had taken to gambling, they said; he would “dice the whole night through”. 

He enjoyed the company of actors. 

He made a special request for dispatches from Rome, to keep him updated on how 

his chariot teams were doing. 

He brought a golden statue of the Greens’ horse Volucer around with him, as a 

token of his team spirit. 

Fronto defended his pupil against some of these claims: the Roman people needed 

Lucius’

bread and circuses

to keep them in check.

This, at least, is how the biographer has it. The whole section of the

vita dealing with Lucius’ debaucheries (HA Verus 4.4–6.6) is an 

insertion into a narrative otherwise entirely cribbed from an earlier source. 

Some few passages seem genuine; others take and elaborate something from the original. The rest is by the biographer himself, relying on nothing better 

than his own imagination.

Lucius faced quite a task. Fronto described the scene in terms recalling

Corbulo

‘s arrival one hundred years before. 

The Syrian army had turned soft during the east’s long peace. They spent more 

time at the city’s open-air cafés than in their quarters. Under Lucius, training 

was stepped up. Pontius Laelianus ordered that their saddles be stripped of 

their padding. Gambling and drinking were sternly policed. 

Fronto wrote that Lucius was on foot at the head of his army as often as on 

horseback. He personally inspected soldiers in the field and at camp, including 

the sick bay.

Lucius sent Fronto few messages at the beginning of the war. He sent Fronto a 

letter apologizing for his silence. He would not detail plans that could change 

within a day, he wrote. Moreover, there was little thus far to show for his 

work: “not even yet has anything been accomplished such as to make me wish to 

invite you to share in the joy”. 

Lucius did not want Fronto to suffer the anxieties that had kept him up day and 

night. 

One reason for Lucius’ reticence may have been the collapse of Parthian 

negotiations after the Roman conquest of Armenia. Lucius’ presentation of terms 

was seen as cowardice. 

The Parthians were not in the mood for peace.

Lucius needed to make extensive imports into Antioch, so he opened a sailing 

route up the

Orontes

. Because the river breaks across a cliff before reaching the city, 

Lucius ordered that a new canal be dug. After the project was completed, the 

Orontes’ old riverbed dried up, exposing massive bones—the bones of a

giant

.

Pausanias

says they were from a beast “more than eleven cubits” tall;

Philostratus

says the it was “thirty cubits” tall. The oracle at

Claros
declared 

that they were the bones of the river’s spirit.

In the middle of the war, perhaps in autumn 163 or early 164, Lucius made a 

trip to Ephesus to be married to Marcus’ daughter Lucilla. 

Lucilla’s thirteenth birthday was in March 163; whatever the date of her 

marriage, she was not yet fifteen. 

Marcus had moved up the date: perhaps stories of Panthea had disturbed him. 

Lucilla was accompanied by her mother Faustina and M. Vettulenus Civica 

Barbarus, the half-brother of Lucius’ father. 

Marcus may have planned to accompany them all the way to Smyrna (the biographer 

says he told the senate he would); this did not happen. 

Marcus only accompanied the group as far as Brundisium, where they boarded a 

ship for the east. 

Marcus returned to Rome immediately thereafter, and sent out special 

instructions to his proconsuls not to give the the group any official reception. 

Lucilla would bear three of Lucius’ children in the coming years. Lucilla became 

Lucilla Augusta.

 Counterattack and victory, 163–66

I Minervia and V Macedonica, under the legates M. Claudius Fronto and P. 

Martius Verus, served under Statius Priscus in Armenia, earning success for 

Roman arms during the campaign season of 163, 

including the capture of the Armenian capital

Artaxata
. 

At the end of the year, Verus took the title Armeniacus, despite having 

never seen combat; Marcus declined to accept the title until the following year. 

When Lucius was hailed as imperator again, however, Marcus did not 

hesitate to take the Imperator II with him. 

The army of Syria was reinforced by II Adiutrix and Danubian legions under X 

Gemina’s legate Geminius Marcianus.

Occupied Armenia was reconstructed on Roman terms. In 164, a new capital, 

Kaine Polis (‘New City’), replaced Artaxata. 

On Birley’s reckoning, it was thirty miles closer to the Roman border. 

Detachments from Cappadocian legions are attested at

Echmiadzin

, beneath the southern face of

Mount 

Ararat
, 400 km east of

Satala
. It 

would have meant a march of twenty days or more, through mountainous terrain, 

from the Roman border; a “remarkable example of imperialism”, in the words of

Fergus Millar

. 

A new king was installed: a Roman senator of consular rank and Arsacid descent, 

C. Iulius Sohaemus. He may not even have been crowned in Armenia; the ceremony 

may have taken place in Antioch, or even Ephesus. 

Sohaemus was hailed on the imperial coinage of 164 under the legend

Rex armeniis Datus: 

Verus sat on a throne with his staff while Sohamenus stood before him, saluting 

the emperor.

In 163, while Statius Priscus was occupied in Armenia, the Parthians 

intervened in Osroene

, a Roman client in upper Mesopotamia, just east of Syria, with its 

capital at Edessa
. 

They deposed the country’s leader, Mannus, and replaced him with their own 

nominee, who would remain in office until 165. 

(The Edessene coinage record actually begins at this point, with issues showing 

Vologases IV on the obverse and “Wael the king” (Syriac: 

W’L MLK’) on the reverse.) 

In response, Roman forces were moved downstream, to cross the Euphrates at a 

more southerly point. 

On the evidence of Lucian, the Parthians still held the southern, Roman bank of 

the Euphrates (in Syria) as late as 163 (he refers to a battle at Sura, which is 

on the southern side of the river). 

Before the end of the year, however, Roman forces had moved north to occupy 

Dausara and Nicephorium on the northern, Parthian bank. Soon after the conquest of the north bank of the Euphrates, other 

Roman forces moved on Osroene from Armenia, taking Anthemusia, a town south-west 

of Edessa. 

There was little movement in 164; most of the year was spent on preparations for 

a renewed assault on Parthian territory.

In 165, Roman forces, perhaps led by Martius Verus and the V Macedonica, 

moved on Mesopotamia. Edessa was re-occupied, Mannus re-installed. 

His coinage resumed, too: ‘Ma’nu the king’ (Syriac: M’NW MLK’) or Antonine 

dynasts on the obverse, and ‘King Mannos, friend of Romans’ (Greek: Basileus 

Mannos Philorōmaios) on the reverse. 

The Parthians retreated to Nisibis, but this too was besieged and captured. The 

Parthian army dispersed in the Tigris; their general Chosrhoes swam down the 

river and made his hideout in a cave. 

A second force, under Avidius Cassius and the III Gallica, moved down the 

Euphrates, and fought a major battle at Dura. 

By the end of the year, Cassius’ army had reached the twin metropolises of 

Mesopotamia: Seleucia

on the right bank of the Tigris and

Ctesiphon
 

on the left. Ctesiphon was taken and its royal palace set to flame. The citizens 

of Seleucia, still largely Greek (the city had been commissioned and settled as 

a capital of the

Seleucid empire

, one of

Alexander the Great

‘s

successor 

kingdoms
), opened its gates to the invaders. The city got sacked 

nonetheless, leaving a black mark on Lucius’ reputation. Excuses were sought, or 

invented: the official version had it that the Seleucids broke faith first. 

Whatever the case, the sacking marks a particularly destructive chapter in 

Seleucia’s long decline.

Cassius’ army, although suffering from a shortage of supplies and the effects 

of a plague contracted in Seleucia, made it back to Roman territory safely. 

Iunius Maximus, a young tribunus laticlavius serving in III Gallica under 

Cassius, took the news of the victory to Rome. Maximus received a generous cash 

bounty (dona) for bringing the good news, and immediate promotion to the 

quaestorship. 

Lucius took the title Parthicus Maximus, and he and Marcus were hailed as

imperatores again, earning the title ‘imp. III’. 

Cassius’ army returned to the field in 166, crossing over the Tigris into Media. 

Lucius took the title ‘Medicus’, 

and the emperors were again hailed as imperatores, becoming ‘imp. IV’ in 

imperial titulature. Marcus took the Parthicus Maximus now, after another 
tactful delay.

Most of the credit for the war’s success must be ascribed to subordinate 

generals. The forces that advanced on Osroene were led by M. Claudius Fronto, an 

Asian provincial of Greek descent who had led I Minervia in Armenia under 

Priscus. He was probably the first senator in his family. 

Fronto was consul for 165, probably in honor of the capture of Edessa. 

P. Martius Verus had led V Macedonica to the front, and also served under 

Priscus. Martius Verus was a westerner, whose patria was perhaps

Tolosa
in

Gallia Narbonensis

. 

The most prominent general, however, was

C. Avidius Cassius

, commander of III Gallica, one of the Syrian legions. 

Cassius was young senator of low birth from the north Syrian town of

Cyrrhus

. His father, Heliodorus, had not been a senator, but was nonetheless 

a man of some standing: he had been Hadrian’s ab epistulis, followed the 

emperor on his travels, and was prefect of Egypt at the end of Hadrian’s reign. 

Cassius also, with no small sense of self-worth, claimed descent from the

Seleucid kings

. 

Cassius and Martius Verus, still probably in their mid-thirties, took the 

consulships for 166.

Vologases IV of Parthia

(147–191) made peace but was forced to cede western

Mesopotamia

to the Romans. Lucius is reported to have been an excellent 

commander, without fear of delegating military tasks to more competent generals.

On his return to Rome, Lucius was awarded with a

triumph

. The parade was unusual because it included Lucius, Marcus Aurelius, 

their sons and unmarried daughters as a big family celebration. Marcus Aurelius’ 

two sons, Commodus

five years old and Annius Verus of three, were elevated to the 

status of Caesar for the occasion.

 Years in Rome

The next two years (166–168) were spent in Rome. Verus continued with his 

glamorous lifestyle and kept the troupe of actors and favourites with him. He 

had a tavern built in his house, where he celebrated parties with his friends 

until dawn. He also enjoyed roaming around the city among the population, 

without acknowledging his identity. The games of the circus were another passion 

in his life, especially

chariot racing

. Marcus Aurelius disapproved of his conduct but, since Verus 

continued to perform his official tasks with efficiency, there was little he 

could do.

 Wars on the Danube 

and death

In the spring of 168 war broke out in the

Danubian
border 

when the Marcomanni

invaded the Roman territory. This war would last until 180, but 

Verus did not see the end of it. In 168, as Verus and Marcus Aurelius returned 

to Rome from the field, Verus fell ill with symptoms attributed to

food poisoning

, dying after a few days (169). However, scholars believe that 

Verus may have been a victim of

smallpox
, 

as he died during a widespread epidemic known as the

Antonine Plague

. Despite the minor differences between them, Marcus Aurelius 

grieved the loss of his adoptive brother. He accompanied the body to Rome, where 

he offered games to honour his memory. After the funeral, the senate declared 

Verus divine to be worshipped as Divus Verus.

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